would theoretically “work” in both arms, it required adaptation before the Enfield cartridge could be issued in the field. C.L. Bragg noted in, Never For Want of Powder: The Confederate Powder Works at Augusta, Georgia, that difficult as it is to believe, the Augusta Arsenal (and others) supposedly re-rolled or “overhauled” large quantities of .577 imported English cartridges to fit in the C.S./U.S. cartridge boxes. The reason for this extra effort was, while there were a great many English accoutrement sets imported into the Confederacy, they were still fewer in total
I N S I DE E V E RY I S S U E
numbers compare to domestically produced C.S. and captured U.S. accoutrements. The C.S./U.S. style inner flap would not close over the imported .577 English cartridges in .58 caliber American type tins. Although these were two very common cartridges in the Confederate armies that were in wide use and should interchange, they apparently required different methods of loading and a different cartridge box system for transport and storage.
For the U.S. model 1861 .58 caliber rifle musket, and domestically-made cartridges for the .577 caliber British Enfield rifle musket, the paper wrapper held the powder charge with a grooved, lubricated Minié ball sitting on top of it pointing up. The whole was then wrapped in another piece of paper and folded to make a completed cartridge. In loading, the soldier bit or otherwise tore off the end of the cartridge, dumped the powder into the muzzle of his gun, and with or without the remaining paper, inserted the bullet, and rammed it down the barrel. British, and some Confederate-made .577 Enfield cartridges, although still made of paper, were constructed differently, with a smooth, un-grooved, slightly undersized conical projectile, wrapped in lubricated paper, and placed point downward. After biting off the end of the Enfield cartridge and dumping the black powder down the muzzle, the soldier reversed the cartridge and seated the bullet, still wrapped in the lubricated paper into the muzzle, discarded any excess paper, rammed it home, and then capped the percussion cone. The point is that without some form of lubricant, the projectiles became very hard to seat over the powder charge after the barrel heated up and fouling began to line the barrel. Beeswax, tallow, and a variety of other substances worked well up to a point, but after a while the bullet could become stuck in the barrel part way down.
This was a common cause of barrels bursting or bulging. Shooting the rifle-musket with imported British or some Confederate arsenal .577 rounds resulted in less fouling than the Union grooved .58 caliber Minié ball coated with tallow or at least that was what Colonel Josiah Gorgas, C.S. Chief of Ordnance, believed.
Craig L. Barry was born in Charlottesville, Va. He holds his BA and Masters degrees from the University of North Carolina The (Charlotte). Craig served Watchdog Civil War Quarterly as Associate Editor and Editor from 2003–2017. The Watchdog published books and columns on 19th-century material and donated all funds from publications to battlefield preservation. He is the author of several books including The Civil War Musket: A Handbook for Historical Accuracy The Unfinished 2011), Essays on Confederate Material Culture Vol. I and II (2012, 2013). He has also published four books in the Suppliers to the Confederacy series on English Arms Accoutrements, Quartermaster stores and other European imports. (2006, Fight:
The Third New Jersey Cavalry was a most unusual unit, at least in appearance. The regiment
began recruiting towards the end of 1863, and Colonel Andrew Jackson Morrison, hoping to
by Joe Bilby
attract recent European immigrants, designed a uniform reminiscent of European “Hussar” cavalry, with yards of gold braid and orange piping and an odd hat choice, which appears to be a standard kepi with the bill removed and worn sideways. Enlistees were issued hooded talmas instead of overcoats. Recruits were asked to contribute three dollars of their own money to cover the cost of the unique uniforms. Since they were receiving high bounties to enlist, this was not a serious impediment. Morrison’s pitch seemed at least somewhat effective, since one lieutenant later complained that while he spoke English, the men in his company only spoke German.
There was another more problematic aspect of the Third’s leadership. Colonel Morrison had more prewar military experience, albeit erratic, than most Civil War officers. He ran away to become an officer’s servant in the Mexican War, was hauled off a ship of filibusterers headed for Latin America, met Italian Revolutionary Giuseppe Garibaldi in New York, and served under him as a cavalry officer in Italy, among other things. There was, however, one unfortunate incident. He had been relieved of command of the 26th New Jersey Infantry when he led it in the wrong direction while inebriated during the 1863 Chancellorsville Campaign. Although he explained to the governor of New Jersey that he failed at leading the infantry regiment because his experience as a mercenary in Europe was with cavalry, his recommissioning was no doubt due to political connections
Colonel Morrison also requested that the regiment be equipped only with sabers, no doubt dreaming of leading the American equivalent of the charge of the Light Brigade against Confederates. In addition to the sabers, the Third was initially issued some Whitney revolvers as well. By the second quarter of 1864, the Third was carrying a hodgepodge of firearms, including revolvers by Whitney and Remington, a few Sharps carbines, and even a few obsolete .69 caliber musketoons. The issue pattern, revealed in the quarterly ordnance report, seems sketchy.
The bulk of the 3rd New Jersey Cavalry was mustered into service on Feb. 10, 1864, in Trenton. The Third was initially assigned as support for General Ambrose Burnside’s IX Army Corps but later transferred to General Phil Sheridan’s Cavalry Corps. Colonel Morrison was relieved again due to drunkenness, but his regiment, dubbed the “Butterflies” due to their unconventional uniforms, fought numerous skirmishes during the 1864 advance on Richmond and then, as part of Sheridan’s Cavalry, engaged in some heavy fighting up and down the Shenandoah valley to the end of 1864.
Sheridan was more aware than Morrison of the weaponry needed for Civil War cavalry tactics in which the mounted arm played a part in various tactical scenes including providing a skirmish line in front of advancing infantry, as on the first day at Gettysburg. This tactical variation demanded a large number of carbines. The Third had more revolvers and a hodgepodge of carbines, including Joslyn, Sharps, and Burnside models. In the third quarter of 1864, Company A reported fourteen Spencer and six Sharps carbines, as well as an assortment of revolvers. Some companies did not report at all.
The regiment moved to Petersburg, where it joined General Grant’s army and participated in the war’s final campaign. Following the end of the conflict, the regiment was issued Spencer carbines for each soldier. The Third New Jersey Cavalry overcame some significant handicaps in its development into an effective unit, especially in the matter of sufficient firearms. In spite of being commanded by a romantic alcoholic and clothed in uniforms more suited for a circus than a modern war, the Third became a hard-hitting combat outfit, even with its sorry weapons issues. It was mustered out of service in July and August of 1865, and maintained a viable veterans organization into the twentieth century.